‏إظهار الرسائل ذات التسميات economy. إظهار كافة الرسائل
‏إظهار الرسائل ذات التسميات economy. إظهار كافة الرسائل

الأحد، 6 مايو 2012

50% increase in Egypt-Saudi trade volume in 2012



The amount of trade between Egypt and Saudi Arabia increased during the first quarter of 2012 by 50 percent, compared to the same period in 2012, an Egyptian official has said.

Hussein Omran, director of the foreign trade department at the Ministry of Industry and Trade, told the Saudi Al-Watan newspaper on Saturday  the volume of trade exchange between the two countries reached unprecedented levels during the first three months of 2012, to a record US$1.21 billion compared to $800 million in the same period in 2011.
He said that the volume of trade between the two countries amounted to a gross of about $4.75 billion by the end of 2011, compared to $4.1 billion in 2010, with an increase of nearly 16 percent. Omran expected the figure to exceed $5 billion by the end of 2012.
Saudi investments in Egypt are estimated as being worth around $12 billion, of which $4 billion worth are facing major problems after the government seized some Saudi companies after court rulings revoked the sale contracts of those companies due to irregularites.
Egypt said that it is working on solving all the problems facing the Saudi investments in the country.
Omran added that Egypt's imports from the KSA during the first quarter of 2012 amounted to about $682 million, while the total of Egypt's exports was about $528 million. He pointed out that this means the bilateral trade balance has achieved a surplus of $300 million in favor of Saudi Arabia so far in 2012.
He added that the total number of Saudi projects established in Egypt is about 2315.

Arab Spring cost region 7 million tourists in 2011




Political unrest cost the Middle East 5 million and North Africa 2 million tourists in 2011, according to the United Nations World Tourism Organization.
During a meeting on tourism held on the sidelines of the Arabian Travel Markets show in Dubai, organization Secretary General Taleb al-Refai said tourism in some countries, such as Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, benefited from Arab Spring protests due to their stability.
Despite the trials of the past year, many tourism agencies at the show were optimistic about the future of travel in the region.
David Roche, president of Hotels.com, an online hotel booking site, said his corporation was badly affected by political incidents last year, especially in Egypt.
Roche said all tourist industry workers were affected by the unrest, which is ongoing in many of the countries, and that Egypt had suffered from the difficult period. Although Cairo has not yet caught up to its previous rates, hotel occupancy in Sharm el-Sheikh is around 85 percent, Roche estimated.
Roche expects tourism advertising and promotion in the region to grow over the next few years. He said his corporation will expand its work in Arab countries and launch an Arabic version of the Hotels.com website.
Tourism Minister Mounir Fakhry Abdel Nour expects tourist numbers to be higher in 2012 than the previous year.
“Tourists are reluctant about going to Cairo, but are less reluctant to go to Luxor and Aswan,” Abdel Nour said, attributing this to continued insecurity.
Abdel Nour stressed the importance of tourism to the local economy, saying it employs about 4 million people, made up 11.3 percent of the gross domestic product last year and is the country's second largest source of foreign currency.

IMF official: Egypt needs to do more to secure aid





DUBAI — Egypt needs to do more to secure a US$3.2 billion loan from the International Monetary Fund, including gathering broad political support and identifying other sources to finance its funding gap of up to $12 billion, an IMF official said on Wednesday.
Masood Ahmed, IMF director for the Middle East, told Reuters that Egypt still needed to do "some technical work" to finalize its economic program.
Asked whether he thought there was enough domestic political support for the program, Ahmed said: "I think that process [of getting political support] is advancing but I do not think we are at the point yet where we could move forward.
"There's still more work to be done to close down those three areas," he said, referring to the economic program, political support and alternative financial sources.
"We are ready as soon as pillars are there for that program to move forward relatively quickly," Ahmed said after presenting the regional economic outlook in Dubai.
Egypt and the IMF are in discussions on a $3.2 billion loan program, which Egypt had requested earlier this year but which had been opposed by the powerful Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party.
Egypt's $236 billion economy has been laid low by 18 months of political turmoil.
Last week, Parliament overwhelmingly rejected the army-appointed cabinet's plan to cut state spending, hampering the government's efforts to secure IMF help needed to avoid a fiscal crisis and potential currency devaluation.
"Egypt has pressing economic and financial challenges and that's why we believe it is important to move forward now to finalize the content of the program, to get support for it and to mobilize the financing for it," Ahmed said.
The country's finance minister said last week the government expected the fund's aid to start flowing from May.
The IMF is insisting that any agreement on financing is backed by Egypt's government and political partners ahead of the presidential election later this month. This would ensure the deal would outlast the political transition following the polls.
The IMF expects Egypt's inflation-adjusted economic growth to ease to 1.5 percent this year, which would be the slowest pace since a 0.3 percent expansion in 1992 and down from 1.8 percent in 2011. Its fiscal gap should widen to 10 percent of gross domestic product in 2012, from 9.9 percent last year.
Egypt has said it expects Saudi Arabia to deposit $1 billion at the Egyptian Central Bank by the end of April as part of a $2.7 billion package to support Egypt's battered finances.
Egypt's foreign reserves have tumbled by more than $20 billion to $15 billion during a year of political turmoil following the ouster of Hosni Mubarak.
Yemen aid
Ahmed also said the IMF would consider further aid for Yemen after approving a $93.7 million loan for the poorest country in the Arab world in April, which was aimed at addressing an urgent balance of payments deficit.
"It's hard to say yet [what the financing needs will be]. But clearly the financing requirements for Yemen to embark on the program of expanding employment and the economy will be significantly larger than the current phase of how to stabilize the economy after the crisis," he said.
Yemeni officials have previously said the public sector would play a key role in job creation as the country attempts to stave off economic collapse after 15 months of political turmoil that saw President Ali Abdullah Saleh forced from office.
"In that context, that they move to the medium-term strategy the IMF would also consider how to support and accompany them during that process, including by providing financial support over a longer-term period and with amounts that are likely to be larger than the amount, we had so far provided for the immediate stabilization," he said.
"The fiscal situation deteriorated significantly, this year, we believe it will stabilize," Ahmed said.

EMG shareholders sue Egypt over treaty violations




JERUSALEM — International shareholders in East Mediterranean Gas (EMG), the company that oversaw the now defunct Egyptian-Israeli natural gas deal, said on Thursday they were suing the government of Egypt for violating three bilateral investment treaties.
The decision to take legal action against the Egyptian government under treaties with the United States, Poland and Germany is the strongest move so far by the group, ensuring the dispute is handled diplomatically and not just commercially.
Egyptian state-owned oil and gas companies announced on 22 April the termination of gas sales to Israel, which were part of a 20-year deal, following a year of sabotage and pipeline attacks that had already disrupted supplies.
Israeli and Egyptian officials have tried to play down the ending of the 2005 deal, saying the cancellation of the contract supplying Israel with 40 percent of its gas needs resulted from a business dispute.
However, there have been growing public calls within Egypt to review ties with Israel since the overthrow of President Hosni Mubarak, for whom a peace treaty with Israel was a cornerstone of regional policy.
Thursday's announcement came after months of unsuccessful attempts to resolve the issue through negotiation, one of the shareholders, Ampal-American Israel Corp, said.
Egypt's Foreign Ministry could not immediately be reached for comment.
The investors, who include Thai energy giant PTT, US businessman Sam Zell and Israel's Merhav, are also suing the Egyptian oil and gas companies. Together they are seeking up to US$8 billion in damages.
"The investors' disputes with Egypt arise out of a series of acts and failures by the government of Egypt that have seriously undermined the value of the investors' investments in EMG," Ampal said in a statement.
The underwater pipeline, which EMG spent about $500 million on building, had been targeted by militants in Egypt's unruly Sinai peninsula numerous times, halting the flow of gas for most of the past year.
In 2010, prior to the attacks, EMG provided 2.5 billion cubic meters (BCM) of gas to Israeli customers. But that number was expected to more than double throughout the 20-year deal.
Israel's energy sector will likely be hurt in the short term, but the country has been weaning itself off the once-crucial supplies and has a number of contingency plans that will lessen the impact.
US-based Ampal said it had submitted a request for arbitration to the World Bank's International Center for Settlement of Investment Disputes in accordance with the Egyptian-US bilateral treaty.
Ampal's chairman, Israeli magnate Yossi Maiman, is also a Polish national, and a German citizen is invested in EMG as well, allowing the group to seek compensation under the Polish and German treaties, the statement said.
Egypt Natural Gas Company is also a shareholder in EMG.

Ezz Steel 2011 net profit falls 20%






Egypt's largest steel producer, Ezz Steel, said on Tuesday its 2011 net profit declined 20 percent from a year earlier.
Net profit after minority interests dropped to LE202 million (US$33.5 million) from LE252 million. Net sales rose 12 percent to LE18.6 billion.
The company was rocked by the uprising against leader Hosni Mubarak in February 2011 and its aftermath.
Egypt's attorney general jailed the company's chairman Ahmed Ezz in February of last year on corruption charges. He has since stepped down.

Gulf pledges of financial help late, shrouded in secrecy





Over a year ago, Gulf leaders pledged loan, grant and investment packages to rescue Egypt from financial disaster during its post-Mubarak transition. The offers were accompanied by generous expressions of brotherly support. But after months of waiting, it remains unclear how much money has actually arrived, in what amounts, and if the complete value of the Gulf promises will ever be delivered.
"These things are intrinsically opaque," said David Roberts, deputy director of the Royal United Services Institute for Defense and Security Studies in Qatar. "These are often just very large gestures; it’s really just a question of them following up on them."
But a failure on the part of Gulf countries to keep their word means Egypt is looking to the IMF and elsewhere for help with its liquidity crisis, and Egyptian officials have grown impatient.
Samir Radwan, Egypt’s first post-Mubarak finance minister, originally allayed fears of an economic catastrophe with the prospect of large amounts of money coming from the country’s Gulf neighbors.
In the months following 25 January 2011, generous aid offers from the oil-rich countries rolled in: US$3 billion from the United Arab Emirates, $10 billion, mostly in investments, from Qatar, and $4 billion from the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.
Now, government officials who had made budget calculations based on the packages are in an increasingly tight spot.
Last year, Radwan said the injections would be a mix of investments, grants, and loans that could help the country’s economic rebound. But the massive loans and grants, supposedly with no strings attached, also raised suspicions of what interests the Gulf countries had in Egypt’s interim political process.
Radwan’s tenure was over by July, after another wave of protests swept the country. The country’s fiscal policy and budget fell into different hands.
Hazem al-Beblawy, Radwan’s successor, employed a similar approach, soliciting funds from Gulf leaders and royalty.
But after Gulf money failed to appear, Beblawy warned that the country was on the cusp of a “financial crisis,” and entered talks with International Monetary Fund officials to seriously discuss securing a loan from the fund.
The failure of Gulf countries to follow through with their pledges was a significant obstacle he faced during his time in office, Beblawy wrote in his recently published, memoirs, “Four months inside the government’s cage.”
In his book, Beblawy tells of his efforts to solve Egypt’s serious liquidity problem, when he approached Gulf leaders to tell them how badly the government needed their funds. From various conversations, Beblawy understood from Arab leaders that most had to decided to “wait and see” about political and economic stability in the country before transferring any money.
“I told them that this approach is dangerous and detrimental,” he wrote. “Egypt is a central country in the region, and it is not wise to wait and leave her without aid. Such behavior might lead to the deterioration economic and political conditions in Egypt, which then might bring about negative effects on the Arab region in its entirety.”
But in recent months, the countries have come under renewed pressure to deliver.
In his first parliamentary address in February, one of Prime Minister Kamal al-Ganzouri’s first moves was to point his finger at the Arab states for their broken promises.
His accusations returned the Gulf funds issue to the political forefront. Since Ganzouri’s speech, Gulf leaders have expressed renewed intentions to deliver.
But information about the loans and packages is impossible to come by outside official statements to chosen media outlets.
Repeated visits to the Saudi Arabian Embassy in Cairo and requests for interviews for the purpose of this story were ignored, and requests to the UAE and Qatar embassies did not receive a response.
Saudi Arabia remains committed to providing $3.75 million in aid to Egypt, the country’s ambassador to Egypt said in February, denying rumors that the aid was conditioned on a not guilty verdict for the former president.
“The kingdom does not bind its aid to not prosecuting Mubarak, and it is illogical that Saudi Arabia would link Egypt's destiny to the trial,” Ahmed Abdel Aziz Qattan, the ambassador, said on a talk show in March, refuting rumors that the Kingdom wanted to protect the deposed president.
“Half a billion dollars were transferred through the Egyptian Foreign Ministry bank account at the Central Bank of Egypt as a grant to support the budget on 16 May 2011," said Qattan.
Qatar has not invested the promised $10 billion in Egypt due to the country’s instability, said Qatari Foreign Minister Khaled bin Mohamed al-Attiya in late January.
He said that Qatar will follow through on its promises once power is handed over to a civilian government.
The United States has also said that Egypt’s Gulf friends should deliver the money to bolster the expected IMF loan.
“We call on Egypt’s friends in the region and around the world to be prepared to use bilateral assistance to reinforce an IMF program with Egypt,” US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said in March.
There does seem to be a relationship between the arrival of the Gulf funds and the much-debated and disputed IMF loan. Approval from the fund is largely considered a vote of confidence in the competence and solubility of a government. Gulf leaders would likely see the IMF loan as a stamp of approval.
What has emerged is a chicken-and-egg dilemma for Gulf leaders who do not want to invest in a declining economy. Without the IMF loan, Gulf money won't come. Without Gulf money supporting its loan, the IMF is less likely to approve it.
In addition, analysts say the “wait and see” approach completely defies the purpose of the promised aid, and are baffled as to why the money hasn’t come. Waiting until economic conditions improve, they say, shows that the countries have only money-making interests.
“I’m really surprised at Qatar,” said Wael Gamal, managing editor of Al-Shorouk newspaper and economic commentator, during a January press conference on dropping Egypt’s debts. “They promised hundreds of millions in investment and none of it has come.”
It does not make sense to promise investments to help the country, Gamal said, if that same investment is only going to arrive if things improve.
The entire issue is based on rhetoric and official statements with no hard evidence, according to Amr Adly, director of the Economic and Social Justice Unit at the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights, at the same press conference.
Adly contends that the Egyptian government has failed to release reliable statistics in the interim period about foreign reserves, the country’s budget, and the Gulf funds.
“How can we even know how much money has been received?” he said.  “How can we even know how much money has been given without real transparency?”
But Roberts said that Gulf countries can afford to make grandiose promises, because they operate entirely behind closed doors. That policy is unlikely to change.
"Here, or there, we don’t have anything approaching a transparent culture," he said, adding that it's unlikely to change because this is how they have historically managed their affairs. "And they've been successful," he said.

Leadership of 'Military Inc.' is running Egypt




The Egyptian military’s economic interests have long been considered too taboo to discuss in the mainstream media, so little is known about the sections of the economy that fall under the military’s control. But now that a military council is formally ruling the country, the time is ripe to examine the issue more closely.
Robert Springborg has written extensively on the Egyptian military and the politics and political economy of the Middle East. He is the author of two books on Egypt: "Mubarak’s Egypt: Fragmentation of the Political Order" (1989) and "Family Power and Politics in Egypt" (1982). His most recent work is a chapter on gas and Egyptian development in "The Handbook of Oil Politics," due for publication in 2012. From 2000 to 2002, he was director of the American Research Center in Egypt, and has held numerous other positions in the US, UK and Australia leading programs on the Middle East.
Al-Masry Al-Youm recently spoke on the phone with Springborg, who is currently in the US, about the importance of the military’s business interests in its decision-making process, what is meant by the military economy and the military’s relationship with Egypt’s privatization program.
Al-Masry Al-Youm: In early February, before Hosni Mubarak stepped down, you warned that the military would look to hold on to power. This is what we seem to be witnessing now with a longer-than-planned transitional phase.
Robert Springborg: I don’t believe I said the military would seek to hold onto power in the form of a classical coup d’etat. What I meant to say in any case was that the military would seek to ensure that it was not subordinated to any other power. The delay in constituting a new system of government results probably not from a change in the military’s strategic objective of “ruling but not governing,” but from the tactical difficulties of forming a civilian government that forswears any meaningful control over the military.
Al-Masry: How much do you think the military’s vast business interests in the country influence their desire to stay in power?
Springborg: The business interests of the military are hugely important to their decision-making, and the leadership of "military incorporated," which is same as the leadership of the military itself, is now running the country.
A key problem is that the military economy lacks transparency. It is opaque, so we don’t know its exact size or components. Another issue is that the military’s business interests distract them from their national security roles, of which the key but not only one is to defend the country. The Egyptian military lags behind others in the region in part because it is so preoccupied with generating revenues. Its abilities to carry out search and rescue, humanitarian assistance, disaster relief, anti-piracy, and to operate with other, friendly forces are weak. They have modern equipment, but much of it is not operable because they aren’t training personnel adequately to use nor to maintain it. One reason why they are not is that they employ conscripts in military-controlled businesses. 
Al-Masry: How do you define the military economy?
Springborg: The military economy includes the numerous factories and production facilities that fall under the Ministry of Defense and Ministry of Military Production. These also include companies affiliated with the Arab Organization for Industrialization and National Services Production Organization. In theory, these are state-owned entities but their accounts are not subject to financial oversight by the Central Auditing Organization.
Al-Masry: A trend in the economy during the transitional phase is the re-nationalization of companies privatized under the Mubarak regime. How much is this in the military economy’s interests?
Springborg: The military opposed privatization that intensified in 2004 under the government of former Prime Minister Ahmed Nazif, and that was overseen by former Investment Minister Mahmoud Mohie Eddin. It was upset at the increased pace of privatization. That said, the military was happy with privatization as long as it ended up [gaining from it]. It didn’t want the government to sell state-owned enterprises to Gamal Mubarak’s cronies. So under the Nazif government, some of the privatization in state-owned enterprises went to the military to mollify its leadership. Its interests in strategic areas, such as port facilities, ship repair and building, increased. The Alexandria Shipyard, for example, is owned by the military, and under Nazif they acquired a competitor company. There was also an unwritten rule under Mubarak that mid-ranking officers and generals would get senior positions within privatized companies. Aviation companies and construction companies do have senior generals working in them.
Al-Masry: How important are their business holdings given that strategic industries, such as cement, are not within their control?
Springborg: Well, they are unhappy about that state of affairs. The military is not strongly represented in energy-intensive industries. The compensation to that is that they do control a lot of land. The total asset value of their land holdings is not clear, but we know that much of the land allocated to the construction and tourism sectors was or remains under military control. Starting from the 1980s, under Mubarak, the military got the land and crony capitalists got the energy intensive production industries.
The military’s biggest interest is in the construction industry. This is because the military has its own, internal construction capacities; because of its influence over the allocation of land; and because construction depends heavily on relations with government, either because it is paying for it or because it must authorize it. Military officers have the governmental connections that facilitate contracts and approvals.
Al-Masry: From the perspective of protecting the military economy, is the military threatened by the upcoming parliamentary and presidential elections?
Springborg: Yes. What it wants is a weak parliament and a presidency that will not challenge its authority. As it now looks the parliament will be weak because it will be divided among various political forces and because it will not be based on any definitive constitutional authority. So it will not be strong enough to oversee the military, such as by examining its finances. So, any civilian control of the military by default will fall to the president.
That is why the apparent thinking now of the military is for the president to be someone from the military. The delay of the presidential election is due in part probably to the attempt to prepare the ground for a candidate either from the military or absolutely subordinate to it. In the meantime the military will look to expand its role in the economy, either through acquiring more companies or by assisting officer-owned companies gain more business. 

الأربعاء، 18 أبريل 2012

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